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  • The Big Ten currently distributes revenue almost equally, with most members receiving about $63.2 million in 2024.
  • Other conferences, like the ACC and Mountain West, have already adopted tiered revenue distribution based on viewership or brand value.
  • Ohio State may face resistance from other Big Ten schools who would be unwilling to accept a smaller share of the revenue.

Ohio State is open to the possibility of changes to the Big Ten’s current revenue-sharing arrangement and how the university approaches athletics department funding, school president Ted Carter told USA TODAY Sports.

“I will say that there’s only a couple of schools that really represent the biggest brands in the Big Ten, and you can see that by the TV viewership,” said Carter.

Ohio State is not the first school to push for different levels of revenue sharing, nor would the Big Ten be the first to disburse tiered amounts of annual payouts.

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The Mountain West distributes more money to Boise State because of a carveout related to television revenue that pays the Broncos an additional $1.8 million per season. (Boise is poised to join the Pac-12 in 2026.) The ACC recently adopted a system that will distribute 60% of TV revenue based on a weighted five-year average of viewership.

But there are a few major differences between the steps taken by those conferences and the potential fallout should Ohio State push the Big Ten to adopt a dramatically different and likely very controversial new model.

What is the Big Ten’s current revenue model?

The Big Ten had just over $928 million in total revenue and distributed about $63.2 million to each of the league’s dozen longest-standing members during the 2024 fiscal year, according to federal tax records.

That total is more than what schools received in the SEC. Records released in February showed that league distributed about $52.5 million in 2024 to every school except first-year members Oklahoma and Texas.

Looking ahead, the Big Ten’s per-school payout for 2025 is likely to be around $75 million for every member except for Oregon and Washington, whose shares are being phased in over seven years.

And these per-member payouts are expected to continue to grow. Wisconsin’s athletics department made a presentation to a university committee during the spring that projected just under $82.6 million in revenue during the 2026 fiscal year, according to the Wisconsin State Journal.

Would Big Ten members accept a new model?

No, they would not — or not happily, at least. Here’s where major differences stand out when looking at steps taken by the Mountain West and ACC.

The Big Ten is not hurting financially; the opposite is true, actually. There is no rancorous debate over buyout numbers or the league’s grant of rights deal, as was the case in the ACC. While the Buckeyes may claim otherwise, there is not one single team responsible for the Big Ten’s reputation and national draw, as Boise State successfully argued with the Mountain West.

Getting the Big Ten to make a seismic change in revenue distribution would require a cut in the annual revenue of the Buckeyes’ fellow members. Even if revenue is soaring, that would be very difficult for the rest of the conference to accept.

Would Michigan and Penn State be OK with taking money out of their pockets to send to Columbus? Would this arrangement be acceptable to schools such as Purdue, Rutgers, Maryland and others near the bottom of the Big Ten power structure?

This would clearly be an extremely difficult sell.

Does Ohio State really have bargaining power?

Ohio State is one of college sports’ elite brands, capable of moving the needle on any number of key topics in a manner unmatched by all but a few members of the NCAA.

But there is a very real question about the Buckeyes’ bargaining power in terms of truly pushing for an altered revenue model. The reason for that is simple: OSU has nowhere to go.

Florida State and Clemson were able to push the ACC into changes by essentially dangling the threat of leaving the conference. That was a real concern for the ACC, not only because of the potential loss of two flagship members but because schools such as Miami and North Carolina would almost certainly follow the Seminoles and Tigers out the door. The same fear does not exist in the Big Ten.

And FSU, Clemson and others could’ve knocked on the doors of the Big Ten or SEC offices. Ohio State is obviously not going to leave for the SEC. So should the Buckeyes push for more revenue and the Big Ten balks, where would they go? The NFC South?

The landscape-shifting fallout of an Ohio State move

Let’s say OSU is unable to sway the Big Ten. The school’s only real move would be to push for the creation of one or two super leagues, which would create the biggest shakeup to college football since the Division I split in 1978.

Again, the Buckeyes are one of only a few schools capable of officially putting this topic on the table.

They should find many Power Four schools willing to at least have the conversation. The top programs in the SEC could be persuaded by the possibility to add millions of dollars in annual revenue — as we’ve seen in recent years, just about every single move taken by schools and conferences has been driven by finances.

Likewise with high-profile Big Ten teams, who would push back at changing the league’s revenue structure but could be more willing to follow OSU into a super conference occupying the current Big Ten footprint.

This is the possible fallout that frightens the majority of NCAA members: After trying and failing to obtain more revenue than the rest of the Big Ten, Ohio State takes a drastic step that could create permanent change to college football.

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

The Labor Department has announced an inquiry into the Bureau of Labor Statistics over recent changes to its data practices.

In a letter published Wednesday, the office of the inspector general for the Labor Department cited the BLS’ recent decision to reduce data collection activities for two key inflation reports, as well as the large downward revision in employment estimates it announced Tuesday. It said it is reviewing the ‘challenges’ the agency has faced ‘in collecting and reporting closely watched economic data.’

The probe comes one month after President Donald Trump fired the head of the BLS as part of a broader pressure campaign that critics say has risked politicizing a part of the government that has long played a crucial role in the business world. The BLS, which is tasked with collecting data on economic indicators such as jobs and inflation, had generally been left alone by previous administrations.

But Trump began zeroing in on the BLS as his frustrations with the Federal Reserve mounted, coinciding with economic numbers that started to warn about a broader U.S. slowdown.

Since then, the labor market has slowed considerably. Just before the head of the BLS was fired, the department released a weaker-than-expected jobs report, citing claims of data manipulation that critics say are unfounded.

Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, another frequent target of Trump’s, has said Fed policymakers are ‘getting the data that we need to do our jobs’ and stressed the importance of the federal statistical agencies.

‘The government data is really the gold standard in data,’ he added. ‘We need it to be good and to be able to rely on it.’

Trump then nominated E.J. Antoni, an economist with the far-right Heritage Foundation, as the new head of the BLS, a move many economists have criticized.

Trump and other BLS critics have focused on the department’s revisions to its reports, a practice that dates back decades and has been generally seen as a necessary part of the challenge of collecting near-term economic data. It has also faced other challenges in data collection, including budget challenges and low response rates to its collection efforts.

The BLS previously said the decision to reduce inflation data surveys was necessary given existing budget constraints. Meanwhile, mainstream economists say the latest downward revisions — while large — are part of a routine annual process known as benchmarking.

While response rates to the bureau’s surveys have been declining, researchers recently found that revisions and falling response rates did not reduce the reliability of the jobs and inflation reports.

This post appeared first on NBC NEWS

Questcorp Mining Inc. (CSE: QQQ,OTC:QQCMF) (OTCQB: QQCMF) (FSE: D910) (the ‘Company’ or ‘Questcorp’) is pleased to provide an update on the Phase I drilling program at its La Union Gold and Silver project in northwest Sonora, Mexico. Drill holes have now been completed at two of the 4 target areas:

  • The initial hole was completed beneath the historic Union Mine itself, intersecting the favourable carbonaceous Clemente and Caborca formations, including the microconglomeratic carbonate unit which hosted mineralization at the bottom of the past producing Union Mine.
  • Drilling then shifted focus to the El Cobre Mine area and the Union Norte Mine area, testing vertical feeder zones above the Clemente formation dolomites and carbonaceous sandstones. Hole two intersected more quartzites than interpreted from the geophysics, with the quartzites carrying more extensive hematitic oxides, possibly indicative of oxide gold mineralization potentially related to sulfides which have been oxidized through supergene weathering.

Saf Dhillon, President and Chief Executive Officer, states: ‘The drilling is indicating oxidation is consistent with past mining and targets are coming along with a positive exploration drilling so far. The drilling is intersecting more quartzite than expected which is favorable for fracture-controlled mineralization. The Riverside operations team is progressing the current exploration program working with the surface rancher and the drilling company to efficiently progress a high-quality exploration program.’

Drilling has now moved to the Famosa Target to progress exploration program. The Mexico Mining Ministry has approved many permits and are actively supporting the environmentally, socially conscious mineral exploration practices as a key aspect for the new Mexican government initiatives.

The technical content of this news release has been reviewed and approved by R. Tim Henneberry’, P.Geo (BC) a Director of the Company and a Qualified Person under National Instrument 43-101.

About Questcorp Mining Inc.

Questcorp Mining is engaged in the business of the acquisition and exploration of mineral properties in North America, with the objective of locating and developing economic precious and base metals properties of merit. The company holds an option to acquire an undivided 100-per-cent interest in and to mineral claims totalling 1,168.09 hectares comprising the North Island copper property, on Vancouver Island, B.C., subject to a royalty obligation. The company also holds an option to acquire an undivided 100-per-cent interest in and to mineral claims totalling 2,520.2 hectares comprising the La Union project located in Sonora, Mexico, subject to a royalty obligation.

ON BEHALF OF THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS,

Saf Dhillon
President & CEO

Questcorp Mining Inc.
saf@questcorpmining.ca
Tel. (604-484-3031)

Suite 550, 800 West Pender Street
Vancouver, British Columbia
V6C 2V6.

Certain statements in this news release are forward-looking statements, which reflect the expectations of management regarding completion of survey work at the North Island Copper project. Forward-looking statements consist of statements that are not purely historical, including any statements regarding beliefs, plans, expectations or intentions regarding the future. Such statements are subject to risks and uncertainties that may cause actual results, performance or developments to differ materially from those contained in the statements. No assurance can be given that any of the events anticipated by the forward-looking statements will occur or, if they do occur, what benefits the Company will obtain from them. Except as required by the securities disclosure laws and regulations applicable to the Company, the Company undertakes no obligation to update these forward-looking statements if management’s beliefs, estimates or opinions, or other factors, should change.

To view the source version of this press release, please visit https://www.newsfilecorp.com/release/265741

News Provided by Newsfile via QuoteMedia

This post appeared first on investingnews.com

In the high-stakes world of resource extraction, a nation’s mineral wealth is a powerful magnet for investment, fueling economic growth and national prosperity. But not all countries are created equal.

For investors in the mining sector it’s key to understand that jurisdictional risk can be profoundly impacted by political changes, as new administrations can swiftly alter the regulatory landscape. These policy shifts can present both opportunities and setbacks, introducing a complex layer of uncertainty to even the most promising ventures.

At the same time, regions traditionally seen as stable and secure for resource development can face their own challenges, including rigorous permitting regimes that can slow mine development activity.

Read on for three case studies on jurisdictional risk and how to navigate this type of complexity.

Case study: First Quantum’s Cobre Panama mine

Perhaps the most notable example in recent years of how politics can affect operations is the closure of First Quantum Minerals’ (TSX:FM,OTC Pink:FQVLF) Cobre Panama mine in Panama.

As with many mining operations, Cobre Panama took decades to bring into production. First Quantum received approval to begin work at the site in February 1997; however, it would take 22 years and US$10 billion to build the mine and the required infrastructure before production commenced in September 2019.

When it was placed on care and maintenance in November 2023, the mine was one of the largest in the world, accounting for approximately 1 percent of total copper supply.

The closure came after Panama’s government faced intense public backlash for granting First Quantum a 20 year mining contract; it was quickly declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.

The Panamanian government also introduced an indefinite moratorium on all mining concessions. The move put the country’s mining sector in a state of limbo and led other companies to cease activities in Panama. For example, Orla Mining (TSX:OLA,NYSEAMERICAN:ORLA) decided to halt funding of its Cerro Quema project until it had “greater certainty with respect to the mining concessions, as well as fiscal and legal stability in Panama.”

Cobre Panama’s closure and the subsequent moratorium led Fitch to downgrade its investment outlook for Panama in March 2024, from BBB- to BB+. The credit agency cited fiscal governance challenges that arose following the mine’s closure, noting that Cobre Panama accounted for 5 percent of the nation’s GDP.

Although the International Monetary Fund expects Panama’s GDP to rebound to 4.5 percent in 2025 as non-mining sectors of the nation’s economy grow, the changes have already had a significant impact on the national economy, with GDP growth slowing to 2.9 percent in 2024, from 7.4 percent in 2023.

Case study: Barrick Mining’s Loulo-Gounkoto complex

Another recent example is the impact of unrest on Barrick Mining’s (TSX:ABX,NYSE:B) operations in Mali.

The African nation has experienced a prolonged period of instability, with the government being overthrown in three coup d’états within a 10 year span, in 2012, 2020 and 2021.

The most recent two came following months of turmoil after election irregularities and accusations of corruption in 2020, then calls for a more legitimate government to be installed in 2021.

Ultimately, the government was replaced by a military junta, and in 2022, it was announced that elections would be held in 2024. However, these were delayed until early 2025, at which time they were again postponed.

This past July, Malian military authorities granted current leadership a five year mandate, renewable as many times as necessary without requiring an election, which guarantees control of the government until 2030.

The impact on the mining sector has been notable. In 2022, the new government ordered an audit of the mining sector, which led to Mali adopting a new mining code in 2023 after limited industry consultation.

The code aims to generate more revenue for the government from mining operations by increasing government ownership to 35 percent from 20 percent and removing tax-exempt status for some operations.

Existing mining contracts were also reviewed, which limited the ability to renegotiate, leading to a protracted negotiation process between the Malian government and Barrick over its Loulo-Gounkoto complex.

While Barrick has said its commitment to Mali remains firm, going so far as to make a good-faith payment of US$83 million, the two parties were unable to reach an agreement. The stalled negotiations led the government to arrest or issue arrest warrants for key personnel over unpaid taxes and contract disputes, including Barrick CEO Mark Bristow.

With no resolution, Barrick was ultimately forced to shut down the mine in January of this year. Although arbitration proceedings continue, the operation was placed under provisional administration on June 16, and government helicopters were seen onsite removing more than 1 metric ton of gold on July 10.

According to the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative, the mining sector makes a significant contribution to the nation’s economy, representing 79 percent of exports and 9.2 percent of GDP. Although other companies haven’t ceased operations in the country, the government’s action has created tensions for investors, with CEOs suggesting that the new rules make it economically unfeasible for new mines or takeovers in the country.

The Fraser Institute gave Mali a policy perception score of 14.94 in its 2024 Annual Survey of Mining Companies, a significant decrease from 2023, when it achieved 33.34, and a precipitous decline from 2020’s score of 78.18. In the overall ranking, Mali fell to 74 out of 82 countries included in the survey, down from 37 out of 77 in 2020.

The institute notes that companies say policy accounts for about 40 percent of their decision when choosing where to establish operations. The other 60 percent is based on the mineral potential. In this regard, Mali improved to 55.26 from 41.18 in 2023; however, it remains in the bottom half of all jurisdictions, ranking 40 out of 58.

The institute uses these scores to determine the overall investment attractiveness of jurisdictions. In 2024, Mali scored 39.13 and ranked 72 out of 82. Respondents to the survey suggested that the rejection of gold mining permits and the lack of transparency created uncertainty and deterred investment.

Even when investment is in the national interest, underlying issues can be hard to overcome.

Case study: The DRC

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is endowed with a vast wealth of minerals, ranging from copper to cobalt and diamonds, but a lack of infrastructure and geopolitical instability have hindered investment.

However, the mining sector has seen steady growth in recent years as the government looks to attract investment. One project is the construction of the Lobito Corridor, Africa’s first open-access transcontinental rail link. It connects Zambia and the DRC with the port of Lobito in Angola, providing improved shipping opportunities for producers.

Among the operations that have signed on to use the rail link is Ivanhoe Mines’ (TSX:IVN,OTCQX:IVPAF) Kamoa-Kakula mine. The asset is one of the world’s largest copper mines, producing 964 million pounds in 2024.

In February 2024, the company signed a term sheet to access the corridor, allowing it to transport between 120,000 and 240,000 metric tons of copper concentrates per year for a five year term, commencing in 2025.

In a press release, Robert Friedland, Ivanhoe’s founder and executive co-chair, said the corridor is “fast becoming one of the most important trade routes for vital copper metal in the world.”

He added that the rail link will unlock projects due to the lower logistical costs.

While development in the DRC is moving in the right direction, it’s not without its problems. Tensions remain with neighboring Rwanda, as Rwanda has backed anti-government M23 rebels. The groups have been warring since 2022, with much of the violence occurring in the Eastern DRC, a mineral-rich area of the country.

In April 2024, M23 seized the town of Rubaya, the center of coltan production in the DRC; coltan is a critical mineral for the tech sector. While Ivanhoe’s mine has avoided the violent uprisings elsewhere in the country, it still highlights key security challenges for operations in the country and underscores the fragility of stability.

Like Mali, the DRC declined in the Fraser Institute’s survey last year.

It dropped to 12.97 on policy, down from 24.93 in 2023, ranking 77 out of 82. However, its mineral potential ranked much higher, scoring 73.53 — that’s up from 55 in 2023 and a rank of 14 out of 58.

On overall investment attractiveness, the DRC was middling, scoring 49.31 and ranking 58 out of 82. The report points to issues such as disputes over land tenure ownership, which have led to uncertainty and deterred investment.

Is there any truly safe mining jurisdiction?

The mining community has looked mainly to North America, Europe and Australia to minimize jurisdictional risk.

Canada, the US and Australia are widely considered safe places to invest in due to the stability of their governments and the absence of cross-border conflicts. Despite changes in government, political parties in these nations tend to support extractive industries through tax credits and investment programs.

As a whole, challenges in these jurisdictions tend to be more regulatory than geopolitical in nature, with strict environmental and social regulations adding years to development timelines.

Recently, however, there have been some moves to break down these barries.

The US and Canada have both made promises to streamline the permitting process to decrease timelines for critical minerals. Additionally, under the Biden administration, the US Department of Defense, increased funding for projects deemed critical to national interests, including those involving Canadian companies Fortune Minerals (TSX:FT,OTCQB:FTMDF) and Lomiko Metals (TSXV:LMR,OTC Pink:LMRMF).

The program has continued under US President Donald Trump, with the most recent award being announced on July 22, for US$6.2 million in funding for Guardian Metal Resources (LSE:GMET,OTCQX:GMTLF).

Although challenges in these regions still exist, in general they remain stable. For investors, it can help to de-risk portfolios and avoid the geopolitical tensions and uncertainty that arise elsewhere.

Securities Disclosure: I, Dean Belder, hold no direct investment interest in any company mentioned in this article.

This post appeared first on investingnews.com

The first week of the NFL season is always the most chaotic – both on the field and on the fantasy football waiver wire that follows.

We can’t really be sure if what we just witnessed is a fact or fluke until we have more corroborating evidence. For example, is the Detroit Lions offense a shell of its former self without former offensive coordinator Ben Johnson … or is the Green Bay Packers defense really that good?

Additionally, are the Buffalo Bills and Baltimore Ravens in trouble on defense … or did they both look bad because they were facing the NFL’s two best quarterbacks?

The best we can do after one week’s worth of games is make educated guesses with the information we have available.

Fantasy football players to add for Week 2

Due to the wide variance in types of leagues and individual team needs, especially this early in the season, no roster rates are included this week. So be sure to check if the players are available in your league. (Suggested bid values based on $100 free agent acquisition budget for the season.)

WR Marquise ‘Hollywood’ Brown, Kansas City Chiefs

With Xavier Worthy’s shoulder injury likely to sideline him for several weeks (and Rashee Rice suspended), Brown steps up as the top receiving option in Kansas City. He had a league-high 16 targets in Week 1, catching 10 for 99 yards. Travis Kelce’s disappointing showing until a late TD catch only boosts Hollywood’s box office score potential. (Suggested FAAB bid: $15)

RB Quinshon Judkins, Cleveland Browns

The second-round pick avoided being charged in an offseason altercation and just signed a contract before the season started. Still subject to an NFL suspension, he will be available to play as early as this week. Jerome Ford’s lackluster showing as the starter opens the door for Judkins and fellow rookie Dylan Sampson (12-29 rushing, 8-64 receiving) to take a larger share of the touches. Judkins was drafted to be the lead back so the ceiling is high. But so is the risk level. (FAAB bid: $12)

WR Quentin Johnston, Los Angeles Chargers

The Chargers’ Justin Herbert finished as the QB5 in Week 1, showing off a surprising affinity for the air. Johnston was the main beneficiary, catching a pair of touchdown passes among his five receptions for 79 yards. Fellow wideout Keenan Allen also had a good game (7-68, TD) so he could be a fallback option, especially if L.A.’s run game doesn’t improve. (FAAB bid: $9)

WR Kayshon Boutte, New England Patriots

An under-the-radar name here with some decent immediate value. Boutte led all Patriots receivers with eight targets on Sunday, catching six for 103 yards. However, like the Chargers, the Pats weren’t able to run the ball very well. So QB Drake Maye ended up throwing 46 passes. Perhaps the best news is that the Miami Dolphins defense is up next. (FAAB bid: $8)

WR Cedric Tillman, Cleveland Browns

As long as Joe Flacco is the quarterback, the Browns will be a threat in the passing game. Flacco threw the ball 45 times in a one-point loss to the Bengals, with Tillman targeted on eight of those. He caught five for 52 yards and Flacco’s lone TD. There’s still a lot to sort out in the Browns offense, so don’t go overboard just yet. Heck, rookie tight end Harold Fannin Jr. had seven catches for 63 yards. (FAAB bid: $8)

TE Juwan Johnson, New Orleans Saints

What a mess Week 1 was for tight ends – with Brock Bowers, George Kittle and Evan Engram all leaving early with injuries. Johnson, meanwhile, was one tight end who flourished. He led the position with 11 targets, and finished with eight catches for 76 yards. The Saints will likely be playing from behind a lot this season, so Johnson could be one of 2025’s early-season breakouts. (FAAB bid: $7)

QB Aaron Rodgers, Pittsburgh Steelers

Are you a believer yet? The 41-year-old led all quarterbacks in Week 1 with four touchdown passes in his Steelers debut, looking a lot like the four-time MVP that he is. Having a game-breaking target like DK Metcalf certainly helps, but those TD passes (against what was supposed to be a decent New York Jets defense) went to Calvin Austin, Ben Skowronek, Jaylen Warren and Jonnu Smith. Has A-Rod found the Fountain of Ayahuasca? (FAAB bid: $3)

RB Kenneth Gainwell, Pittsburgh Steelers

Several backup running backs saw their stock rise after Week 1. Gainwell is seemingly ahead of rookie Kaleb Johnson on the depth chart (behind starter Jaylen Warren) after getting seven carries and four targets. He didn’t do much with those opportunities (23 total yards) but could be a useful bench option for the time being. (FAAB bid: $3)

RB Bhayshul Tuten, Jacksonville Jaguars

The Jaguars backfield just got less competitive for snaps with Tank Bigsby traded to Philadelphia. Travis Etienne (156 total yards) was marvelous in the opener so that may have played a role, but Tuten could emerge as a worthwhile backup, given Etienne’s injury history. (FAAB bid: $3)

TE Jake Tonges, San Francisco 49ers

For those in realllllly deep leagues, Kittle’s hamstring injury will likely keep him out for at least a month, opening the door for Tonges to take over the role. The Niners receiving corps had already been decimated before Kittle went down, and WR Jauan Jennings also left early Sunday with a shoulder injury. Tonges caught three passes for 15 yards, but one of them was the game-winning touchdown. Look for him to be a larger part of the offense in the interim. (FAAB bid: $1)

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

  • The San Francisco 49ers signed veteran kicker Eddy Piñeiro after waiving Jake Moody.
  • Moody was released following a game where he missed two field goals against the Seattle Seahawks.
  • Piñeiro previously played for the Panthers, Jets, and Bears and is one of the most accurate kickers in NFL history.

The San Francisco 49ers spent less than a day finding a new kicker.

After waiving former third-round pick Jake Moody this afternoon, the 49ers signed veteran kicker Eddy Piñeiro, per multiple reports. The signing ensures San Francisco will have a placekicker on the active roster for Week 2 against the New Orleans Saints.

Piñeiro spent the last three seasons with the Carolina Panthers following one-year stints with the New York Jets in 2021 and the Chicago Bears in 2019.

The 49ers waived Moody following a tough opening week for the 2023 third-round pick. He missed two field goals in Sunday’s win over the Seattle Seahawks; one off the upright from 27 yards out and a 36-yard kick that the Seahawks blocked.

Piñeiro played under current 49ers special teams coordinator Brant Boyer with the Jets in 2021. He’ll celebrate his 30th birthday on Saturday ahead of his 49ers debut against the Saints on Sunday.

Eddy Piñeiro stats

Piñeiro is the fourth-most accurate kicker in NFL history behind Justin Tucker, Harrison Butker and Chris Boswell. The former Florida Gator shook off a tough first season in Chicago to be one of the more reliable kickers in the NFL.

  • 2019 (16 games): 27 of 29 (93.1%) on extra points, 23 of 28 (82.1%) on field goals
  • 2021 (5 games): 9 of 10 (90%) on extra points, 8 of 8 (100%) on field goals
  • 2022 (17 games): 30 of 32 (93.8%) on extra points, 33 of 35 (94.3%) on field goals
  • 2023 (15 games): 17 of 20 (85%) on extra points, 25 of 29 (86.2%) on field goals
  • 2024 (17 games): 33 of 35 (94.3%) on extra points, 22 of 26 (84.6%) on field goals

Piñeiro’s career long is from 56 yards out in 2023 with the Panthers.

Why did the 49ers release Jake Moody?

The 49ers released Moody after his two misses on Sunday in Seattle but issues trace back much further than that.

Moody’s been one of the least-accurate kickers in the NFL since entering the league in 2023. Of the 42 kickers with at least 10 field goal attempts since Week 1 of the 2023 season, Moody finished 37th in field goal percentage at 76.3%.

In Super Bowl 58 against the Kansas City Chiefs, Moody made three field goals but missed an extra point early in the fourth quarter that loomed large later on. Kansas City faced a three-point deficit on their final drive of regulation instead of four points and a Butker kick sent the game to overtime. The Chiefs eventually won the game 25-22.

Only one of the players with a lower percentage is on a team in 2025: Graham Gano with the New York Giants.

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

Tyreek Hill’s lawyer on Monday said domestic-violence claims made by the Miami Dolphins wideout’s estranged wife ‘are nothing more than an attempt …. to shake Mr. Hill down.’

Lakeeta Vaccaro Hill said in new court filings, per TMZ, that Hill became violent on eight separate occasions during their marriage. In one alleged incident, Vaccaro claimed Hill spat on her; she also alleged the five-time All-Pro threw a marijuana cigarette at her before leaving for the 2024 Pro Bowl on Feb. 7 of that year.

Hill’s attorney, Julius Collins, released a statement to USA TODAY Sports denying the claims, saying that Vaccaro and her team only amended the initial petition for separation.

‘The new allegations that Ms. Vaccaro and her counsel have decided to allege are all unsubstantiated, untrue and an attempt to generate bad media coverage for Mr. Hill and therefore extort a large settlement offer from Mr. Hill, of which we believe Ms. Vaccaro is not entitled in this 17 month (sic) marriage,’ the statement read.

Hill’s lawyers said he gave Vaccaro $500,000 ‘to do as she wished and needed’ considering they share a child and offered an additional $100,000 to purchase a vehicle. In her latest court filing, Vaccaro is requesting $1,100,857.51.

‘These new allegations are further proof that Ms. Vaccaro and/or her counsel are set on partaking in a smear campaign in hopes that Mr. Hill will settle and give she and her counsel an unreasonable and unwarranted amount of money,’ Hill’s representation wrote. ‘Mr. Hill will not be moved by this and awaits his day in Court to present his evidence.’

Vaccaro filed for divorce on April 8, 2025, one day after the Sunny Isles Beach Police Department responded to an incident at their home. They were married in November 2023 and Vaccaro gave birth to the couple’s child late in 2024.

In an email to USA TODAY Sports, Vaccaro’s lawyer, Evan Marks, wrote that her amended petition is ‘verified – meaning that she has sworn that the allegations contained therein are true and correct.’

‘Evidence will be presented to a jury who will then decide whether Ms. Vaccaro is entitled to be compensated for the damages that she sustained due to the conduct of Mr. Hill as alleged,’ Marks wrote.

A Zoom hearing is scheduled for Monday, Sept. 15, one day after the Dolphins host the New England Patriots in Week 2 of the 2025 NFL season.

The 31-year-old Hill has been involved in a litany of litigation and events that escalated to the response of the authorities in recent years. There was a physical altercation with a South Florida marina employee in June 2023. A separate lawsuit alleges he broke a social media influencer’s leg that same month.

This post appeared first on USA TODAY

The Seattle Storm have punched their ticket to the 2025 WNBA playoffs.

The Storm clinched the eighth and final postseason bid Tuesday after defeating the Golden State Valkyries, 74-73, in the team’s regular-season finale at Seattle’s Climate Pledge Arena. It will be the Storm’s third playoff appearance under fourth-year head coach Noelle Quinn. Erica Wheeler knocked down a go-ahead jumper with 19.2 seconds remaining to win.

The eighth-place Storm and ninth-place Los Angeles Sparks were vying for the final playoff spot entering Tuesday, Sept. 9, with the Storm needing the win to claim the final playoff spot. The Sparks needed a win over the Phoenix Mercury — which the team notched on Tuesday — in addition to a Storm loss. The Storm’s victory officially eliminated the Sparks, marking the fifth consecutive year Los Angeles missed the postseason.

Seattle returns to the playoffs for the second consecutive year, but didn’t make it easy. The Storm emerged as one of the top teams in the league during the first half of the season and were in fourth place in the standings entering the 2025 WNBA All-Star break, where the Storm had three All-Star selections, tied with the Indiana Fever for the most in the league. But the Storm faltered in the second half of the season and slid down the standings after losing nine out of 12 games, including a six-game losing streak that threatened their playoff hopes.

The Storm were able to rebound in the final stretch and won six of their next nine games to make the playoffs, including Tuesday’s victory over the Valkyries, in which Wheeler had a team-high 17 points off the bench. Nneka Ogwumike added 16 points and eight rebounds.

Although the field has been set for the WNBA postseason, playoff seeding is coming down to the final games of the regular season. The sixth-place Valkyries have one game remaining against the league-leading Minnesota Lynx on Thursday.

The Storm will be seeking to win their fifth WNBA championship and first since 2020.

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